Crowdsourcing Paul’s Letters to Corinth

Last week I noted a few of the many new tools and online sites available for reading and interpreting Paul’s Corinthian correspondence. I was a little surprised to find so few digitally annotated commentaries on 1 and 2 Corinthians given the relative ease of coding a text through TEI markup language, the availability of online platforms that have simplified the process, and the currency of crowdsourcing in the digital humanities. One can find commentaries through subscriptions in biblegateway, of course, but there are now platforms available for producing collaborative crowdsourced commentaries.

Consider Genius, a site freely available for annotating musical lyrics. Their website claims to have made available annotations of literally millions of songs that include “all of Kanye and Kendrick, but also Hamlet, TV and movie scripts, Kurt Cobain’s suicide note, and even the Chipotle menu…”. The platform allows users to highlight difficult or obscure lyrics, annotate, comment, and add context and images to help individuals make sense of text. The site also provides a Genius Web Annotator which, through a Chrome extension, gives users the ability to mark up any internet page, make one’s own website annotatable, and easily share annotations with anyone. The website already has many Corinthian-related texts uploaded by their user community including Pausanias’ Book 2, Lord Byron’s “Siege of Corinth,” and chapters from modern scholarship such as Dale Martin’s The Corinthian Body.Genius

For one successful model in using Genius to mark up the Corinthian correspondence, check out Professor Laura Nasrallah‘s commentaries on the Pauline epistles and the Corinthian correspondence crowdsourced by Harvard University undergraduates. Nasrallah’s guide for students includes both practical suggestions such as formatting and multimedia, as well as contextual questions for students to consider as they annotate:

  • What is the significance of the historical context of the political power of the Roman Empire?
  • What is the significance of the socio-economic context of the first century CE?
  • What do the various arguments within the Pauline correspondence reveal about the debates in which the earliest Christians were engaged?
  • How does your experience help you to bring new interpretive contexts and to ask better questions?

CrowdsourcedCorinthiansNasrallah’s student commentaries build on earlier semesters with the result that students may interact with earlier classes. You can see the full list of Nasrallah’s annotated chapters and books here.

Crowdsourced platforms such as Genius have a wide range of potential uses that include but go well beyond academic contexts for reading Corinthian texts. Virtually any group or community could use such a platform for a collaborative study of 1 and 2 Corinthians. And it would be great to see someone put together a digital patristic commentary on these letters–an online version of Gerald Bray’s ancient Christian commentaries on 1-2 Corinthians. If you have worked to digitally annotate these letters, send me a link and I’ll add it a static webpage when I convert some of these posts into more static pages.

This is the sixth post in a series on resources for the study of ancient religion and Christianity in Corinth. Earlier posts include:



Wiley Blackwell Companion to Patristics (ed. Parry)

What do Patristic studies have to do with Corinth? Quite a lot. One of the interesting bits of research I completed over the last several years was working through the Roman and late antique references to Corinth, Kenchreai, and the Isthmus in the TLG to study the changing patterns of discourse about the city and region. There are well over a thousand late references to Corinthian matters found in late antique and Byzantine commentaries, homilies, theological reflections, and practical spiritual treatises on the Corinthian correspondence. Most, of course, are reflections on St. Paul’s letters to the Corinthians: John Chrysostom’s homilies on both letters survive completely, and a good selection of other late antique sources have been translated in Gerald Bray’s Commentaries on Romans and 1-2 Corinthians, one volume of the Ancient Christian Texts series (IVP Academic).

The patristic discourse about the city and region may not provide much detail about Corinth’s social and economic life but the patterns are nonetheless interesting. I have noted in The Isthmus of Corinth that the Christianization of the educated classes of the Mediterranean created a new discourse about Corinth and its sites. Men and women were thinking, talking, hearing, and writing about Corinth as much as (if not more than) they had in earlier periods but in fundamentally different ways.

This new Wiley Blackwell Companion to Patristics should be relevant to understanding these late antique and Byzantine interpreters. Here are the details:

Parry, Ken, ed. Wiley Blackwell Companion to Patristics. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, 2015.

“This comprehensive volume brings together a team of distinguished scholars to create a wide-ranging introduction to patristic authors and their contributions to not only theology and spirituality, but to philosophy, ecclesiology, linguistics, hagiography, liturgics, homiletics, iconology, and other fields.

• Challenges accepted definitions of patristics and the patristic period – in particular questioning the Western framework in which the field has traditionally been constructed
• Includes the work of authors who wrote in languages other than Latin and Greek, including those within the Coptic, Armenian, Syriac, and Arabic Christian traditions
• Examines the reception history of prominent as well as lesser-known figures, debating the role of each, and exploring why many have undergone periods of revived interest
• Offers synthetic accounts of a number of topics central to patristic studies, including scripture, scholasticism, and the Reformation
• Demonstrates the continuing role of these writings in enriching and inspiring our understanding of Christianity”


Preface x

Notes on Contributors xi

Part I Introduction 1

1 The Nature and Scope of Patristics 3
Ken Parry

Part II Collecting the Fathers 13

2 Byzantine Florilegia 15
Alexander Alexakis

3 Modern Patrologies 51
Angelo Di Berardino

Part III Studies in Reception History I: Individual Fathers 69

4 Irenaeus of Lyons 71
Denis Minns

5 Clement of Alexandria 84
Piotr Ashwin ]Siejkowski

6 Origen of Alexandria 98
Mark Edwards

7 Athanasius of Alexandria 111
David M. Gwynn

8 Ephrem of Nisibis 126
Andrew Palmer

9 John Chrysostom 141
Wendy Mayer

10 Augustine of Hippo 155
Kazuhiko Demura

11 Cyril of Alexandria 170
Hans van Loon

12 Shenoute of Atripe 184
Janet Timbie

13 Nestorius of Constantinople 197
George Bevan

14 Dionysius the Areopagite 211
István Perczel

15 Severus of Antioch 226
Youhanna Nessim Youssef

16 Gregory the Great 238
Bronwen Neil

17 Maximos the Confessor 250
Andrew Louth

18 John of Damascus 264
Vassilis Adrahtas

19 Gregory of Narek 278
Abraham Terian

20 Gregory Palamas 293
Marcus Plested

Part IV Studies in Reception History II: Collective Fathers 307

21 The Cappadocian Fathers 309
H. Ashley Hall

22 The Desert Fathers and Mothers 326
John Chryssavgis

23 The Iconophile Fathers 338
Vladimir Baranov

Part V Studies in the Fathers 353

24 Scripture and the Fathers 355
Paul Blowers

25 Hagiography of the Greek Fathers 370
Stephanos Efthymiadis

26 Liturgies and the Fathers 385
Hugh Wybrew

27 Fathers and the Church Councils 400
Richard Price

28 The Fathers and Scholasticism 414
James R. Ginther

29 The Fathers and the Reformation 428
Irena Backus

30 The Fathers in Arabic 442
Alexander Treiger

31 The Greek of the Fathers 456
Klaas Bentein

32 The Latin of the Fathers 471
Carolinne White

33 Reimagining Patristics: Critical Theory as a Lens 487
Kim Haines ]Eitzen

Index 497

George Guthrie: A new commentary on 2 Corinthians

George Guthrie, who recently published a massive new commentary on 2 Corinthians for the Baker Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament series, talks about his book in this two part interview at the website Books at a Glance:

A summary of the book’s contents from the publisher page:

Cover Art

“In this addition to the award-winning BECNT series, a respected New Testament scholar offers a substantive evangelical commentary on 2 Corinthians. George Guthrie leads readers through the intricacies of literary structure, word meanings, cultural backdrop, and theological proclamation, offering insights applicable to modern ministry contexts. As with all BECNT volumes, this commentary features the author’s detailed interaction with the Greek text; extensive research; thoughtful, chapter-by-chapter exegesis; and an acclaimed, user-friendly design. It admirably achieves the dual aims of the series–academic sophistication with pastoral sensitivity and accessibility–making it a useful tool for pastors, church leaders, students, and teachers.”

And the opening to the interview from Books at a Glance:

“New commentaries on 2 Corinthians do not hit the press every day, and it is noteworthy when one of 736 pages arrives from a respected New Testament scholar such as George Guthrie of Union University. We were eager to see Dr. Guthrie’s treatment of this rather neglected book, the latest addition to Baker’s outstanding Exegetical Commentary series, and today he talks to us about his new work.

Books At a Glance (Fred Zaspel):
Why has 2 Corinthians generally been one of the more neglected of Paul’s letters?

I think there are several reasons. Simply put, 2 Corinthians is a difficult book, described by Ralph Martin as “the despair of the commentator.” If 1 Corinthians comes off as Paul’s most “occasional” (and therefore “practical”) letter, 2 Corinthians seems confusing at points. Why the shift from travel narrative to treatise at 2:14 and then back to the travel narrative at 7:5? Why does the apostle seem to commend himself in one breath (e.g. 4:2) and deny that he is doing so in the next (5:12)? Why celebrate the Corinthians enthusiastically in chapter 7 only to get very, very cross as he moves into the final section of the book (10-13)? So the shifts and starts can feel disorienting if we do not grasp that there is a method to the madness. Further, there are a number of interpretive challenges that are neither easy to understand nor preach. What exactly was the event that caused Paul to despair for his life (1:8-11), or the conflict described in 2:5-11? How are we to understand the Triumphal Procession imagery of 2:14-16, or the “veil on Moses’ face” at 3:7-18, or Paul’s thorn in the flesh of chapter 12? We could go on and on. 2 Corinthians does not give up its riches easily!” ”


A New Bibliography for 1 and 2 Corinthians

It’s easy these days to locate books and articles related to St. Paul’s letters to the Corinthians. Bibliographies have proliferated online and lists of select commentaries and introductions are a dime a dozen. See, for a few examples, the bibliographic lists compiled on, (with some PDF documents), Baker publishing group, the United Methodist Church (see Part IV), and Leaven (2 Corinthians).

Here at Corinthian Matters, we’ve been slowly building our New Testament collection in the Zotero Library. During the fall, Megan Piette, a history major at my school, invested hours and hours into adding hundreds of relevant New Testament entries. She keyed all articles published in three recent works related to archaeology, history, and the New Testament: Urban Religion in Roman Corinth (2005), Corinth in Context (2010), and Corinth in Contrast (2013). More impressively, she entered all relevant Corinthiaka listed in the bibliography sections of Urban Religion in Roman Corinth and Corinth in Context. Finally, she mined the references sections of a couple of commentaries and New Testament introductions. The collection is by no means exhaustive but it is a good one that includes 526 items representing major commentaries, books, and articles. Kudos to Megan for making this happen.

Thanks to batch tagging in Zotero (see my post from Thursday), I was able to categorize all of these under the master tag .NEW TESTAMENT and create a subcollection called “New Testament”. In addition, I tagged items with keywords such as “commentary”, “1 Corinthians” and “2 Corinthians”. So, if you want to find recent commentaries on 1 and 2 Corinthians, just select the two tags “.NEW TESTAMENT” and “commentary”. The search pulls up 33 items.


I also tagged articles and books that deal with specific chapters in 1 and 2 Corinthians. So if you’re interested in relevant material on 1 Corinthians Chapter 13 (the famous love chapter), simply select the tag “_1 Cor. 13”. This is a critical component of the library because the search feature of Zotero does not work as well — since articles and abstracts use different ways of referencing the texts, e.g., “I Corinthans XIII”, “1 Cor. 13”, “First Corinthians Chapter Thirteen” etc…

Note that this tag does not pull in entire commentaries on 1 Corinthians, which obviously have something to say on that chapter.


There are lots of holes in this bibliography, and we need another round of thorough tagging, but this is a start to providing a useful bibliographic collection related to the Corinthian correspondence and St. Paul’s Corinth. We’ll keep building the Zotero Library until some better online tool takes its place.

I invite readers with a background in New Testament studies to comment below on other accessible online bibliographic resources that can guide an interested person in locating relevant books and articles. If you have articles and books that you believe should be included, you may send them to me here.

Conybeare and Howson, on the True and Faithful Representation of the Apostle (1852)

For Friday’s picture of Corinth, I offer another vision from 19th century New Testament scholars. This one comes from W.J. Conybeare and Howson’s The Life and Epistles of St. Paul (1852), a major work of biography in its day and a source for Coleman’s sketch of a “most hopeless city” posted two weeks ago.

Conybeare and Howson are different from many of their contemporaries in their interest in placing Paul the apostle into a real geographic and social setting. As they note, the letters of Paul reveal his inner world, the landscapes and environment his outer world.


As they comment in their preface (iv-vii),

“As we follow the Apostle in the different stages of his varied and adventurous career, we must strive continually to bring out in their true brightness the half effaced forms and colouring of the scene in which he acts; and while he “becomes all things to all men, that he might by all means save “some,” we must form to ourselves a living likeness of the things and of the men among which he moved, if we would rightly estimate his work…While thus trying to live in the life of a bygone age, and to call up the figure of the past from its tomb, duly robed in all its former raiment, every help is welcome which enables us to fill up the dim outline in any part of its reality. Especially we delight to look upon the only one of the manifold features of that past existence, which still is living. We remember with pleasure that the earth, the sea, and the sky still combine for us in the same landscapes which passed before the eyes of the wayfaring Apostle….We can still look upon the same trees and flowers which he saw clothing the mountains, giving colour to the plains, or reflected in the rivers; we may think of him among the palms of Syria, the cedars of Lebanon, the olives of Attica, the green Isthmian pines of Corinth, whose leaves wove those “fading garlands,” which he contrasts with the “incorruptible crown,” the prize for which he fought…”…”For the purposes of such a biography, nothing but true and faithful representations of the real scenes will be valuable; these are what is wanted, and not ideal representations, even though copied from the works of the greatest masters; for, as it has been well said, “nature and reality painted at the time,” and on the spot, a nobler cartoon of St. Paul’s preaching at Athens “than the immortal Rafaelle afterwards has done.”

To complete their sketch, Howson, who was responsible for the background part of the biography, draws widely not only from earlier German New Testament scholarship but a wide array of ancient and medieval authors (Pindar, Herodotus, Xenophon, Polybius, Cicero, Ovid, Horace, Strabo, Plutarch, Dio Chrysostom, Aelius Aristides, Pomponius Mela, Suetonius, Seneca, Pausanias, Zonaras, Chronicon Maius) and the early modern travelers who read and digested them. The author’s picture, which stems from Dodwell, Leake, Wheler, and Clarke, among others, makes this early discussion of Paul in Roman Corinth particularly compelling. The inclusion of engravings provides the reader with pictures to imagine Paul, which, in contrasting modern shepherds against the backdrop of ancient ruins and landscapes, creates a romantic contrast between past and present (on this, see Kaplan’s excellent study).


Howson’s sketch of Paul’s background, which draws from sources spaced two millennia apart, is itself necessarily composite. But a compelling composite nonetheless for an imaginative geography constructed from ancient texts and early modern travel literature alone (I do not see evidence that Howson visited Corinth himself).

You can read the full text (with footnotes) at the HathiTrust Digital Library. I include here a good long section from pp. 440-447:

“We must linger first for a time in Corinth, the great city, where he staid a longer time than at any other point on his previous journeys, and from which, or to which, the most important of his Epistles were written. And, according to the plan we have hitherto observed, we proceed to elucidate its geographical position, and the principal stages of its history.

The Isthmus is the most remarkable feature in the geography of Greece; and the peculiar relation which it established between the land and the water—and between the Morea and the Continent — had the utmost effect on the whole course of the history of Greece. When we were considering the topography and aspect of Athens, all the associations which surrounded us were Athenian. Here at the Isthmus, we are, as it were, at the centre of the activity of the Greek race in general. It has the closest connection with all their most important movements, both military and commercial….

Conspicuous, both in connection with the military defences of the Isthmus, and in the prominent features of its scenery, is the Acrocorinthus, or citadel of Corinth, which rises in form and abruptness like the rock of Dumbarton. But this comparison is quite inadequate to express the magnitude of the Corinthian citadel. It is elevated two thousand feet above the level of the sea; it throws a vast shadow across the plain at its base; the ascent is a journey involving some fatigue; and the space of ground on the summit is so extensive, that it contained a whole town*, which, under the Turkish dominion, had several mosques. Yet, notwithstanding its colossal dimensions, its sides are so precipitous, that a few soldiers are enough to guard it. The possession of this fortress has been the object of repeated struggles in the latest wars between the Turks and the Greeks, and again between the Turks and the Venetians. It was said to Philip, when he wished to acquire possession of the Morea, that the Acrocorinthus was one of the horns he must seize, in order to secure the heifer. Thus Corinth might well be called “the eye of Greece” in a military sense, as Athens has often been so called in another sense. If the rock of Minerva was the Acropolis of the Athenian people, the mountain of the Isthmus was truly named ” the Acropolis of the Greeks.”

It will readily be imagined that the view from the summit is magnificent and extensive. A sea is on either hand. Across that which lies on the east, a clear sight is obtained of the Acropolis of Athens, at a distance of forty-five miles. The mountains of Attica and Boeotia, and the islands of the Archipelago, close the prospect in this direction. Beyond the western sea, which flows in from the Adriatic, are the large masses of the mountains of northeastern Greece, with Parnassus towering above Delphi. Immediately beneath us is the narrow plain which separates the seas. The city itself is on a small table land of no great elevation, connected with the northern base of the Acrocorinthus. At the edge of the lower level are the harbours which made Corinth the emporium of the richest trade of the East and the West.

We are thus brought to that which is really the characteristic both of Corinthian geography and Corinthian history, its close relation to the commerce of the Mediterranean. Plutarch says, that there was a want of good harbours in Achaia; and Strabo speaks of the circumnavigation of the Morea as dangerous. Cape Malea was proverbially formidable, and held the same relation to the voyages of ancient days, which the Cape of Good Hope does to our own.

Thus, a narrow and level isthmus, across which smaller vessels could be dragged from gulph to gulplh, was of inestimable value to the early traders of the Levant. And the two harbours, which received the ships of a more maturely developed trade, — Cenchre on the Eastern Sea, and Lechaeum on the Western, with a third and smaller port, called Schoenus”, where the isthmus was narrowest, — form an essential part of our idea of Corinth. Its common title in the poets is “the city of the two seas.”

…At a very early date, we find Corinth celebrated by the poets for its wealth.’- This wealth must inevitably have grown up, from its mercantile relations, even without reference to its two seas…Thus she became the common resort and the universal market of the Greeks.’ …If we add all these particulars together, we see ample reason why the wealth, luxury, and profligacy of Corinth were proverbial’- in the ancient world.

In passing from the fortunes of the earlier, or Greek Corinth, to its history under the Romans, the first scene that meets us is one of disaster and ruin. The destruction of this city by Mummius, about the same time that Carthage was destroyed by Scipio, was so complete, that, like its previous wealth, it passed into a proverb. Its works of skill and luxury were destroyed or carried away. Polybius the historian saw Roman soldiers playing at draughts on the pictures of famous artists; and the exhibition of vases and statues that decorated the triumph of the Capitol, introduced a new era in the habits of the Romans.” Meanwhile, the very place of the city from which these works were taken remained desolate for many years.’ The honour of presiding over the Isthmian games was given to Sicyon; and Corinth ceased even to be a resting-place of travellers between the East and the West. But a new Corinth rose from the ashes of the old. Julius Caesar, recognising the importance of the Isthmus as a military and mercantile position, sent thither a colony of Italians, who were chiefly freedmen.

This new establishment rapidly increased by the mere force of its position. Within a few years it grew, as Sincapore has grown in our days, from nothing to an enormous city. The Greek merchants, who had fled on the Roman conquest to Delos and the neighbouring coasts, returned to their former home. The Jews settled themselves in a place most convenient both for the business of commerce and for communication with Jerusalem. Thus, when St. Paul arrived at Corinth after his sojourn at Athens, he found himself in the midst of a numerous population of Greeks and Jews. They were probably far more numerous than the Romans, though the city had the constitution of a colony, and was the metropolis of a province.”

Augustus Neander, on the reason for Paul’s sojourn (1844)

Last week, I excerpted a text from Lyman Coleman’s historical atlas of the bible (1855) about the Paul’s visit to the “most hopeless city of Corinth.” I decided to trace Coleman’s ideas about Corinth and the consequences of geography.

Coleman notes that for his sections on Paul’s travels, he consulted H.B. Hackett’s A Commentary on the Original Text of the Acts of the Apostles (1852); James Smith’s The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul (1848), and Conybeare and Howson’s The Life and Epistles of St. Paul (1852). A quick look at Smith’s work on the shipwreck of Paul revealed nothing relevant. Conybeare and Howson’s life returned some very rich text and images about Corinth that I will excerpt next week. Hackett’s commentary had very little discussion of Corinth but cited several early 19th century German scholars and included a nice quotation from an English translation (1844) of Augustus Neander’s Geschichte der pflanzung und leitung der christlichen kirche durch die apostel (1832).  As Hackett quotes Neander (p. 254):

“ ‘In consequence of its situation,’ says Neander, ‘Corinth furnished a very important central point for the extension of the gospel in a great part of the Roman empire; and hence Paul remained here, as in other similar cities, a longer time than was otherwise usual for him.’”

I followed the path to an English edition of History of the Planting and Training of the Christian Church and found an interesting segment on Corinth (pp. 196-197):

“He travelled alone from Athens, and now visited a place most important for the propagation of the gospel, the city of Corinth, the metropolis of the province of Achaia. This city, within a century a half after its destruction by Julius Caesar, once more became the center of intercourse and traffic to the eastern and western parts of the Roman Empire, for which it was fitted by its natural advantages, namely, by its two noted ports, that of Kenchreai towards Lesser Asia, and that of Lechaion towards Italy. Being thus situated, Corinth became an important position for spreading the gospel in a great part of the Roman Empire, and hence Paul chose this city, as he had chosen others similarly situated, to be the place where he made a long sojourn.

But Christianity had here also at its first promulgation peculiar difficulties to combat and the same causes, which counteracted its reception at first, threatened at a later period, when it had found entrance, to corrupt its purity both in doctrine and practice. The two opposite mental tendencies, which at that time especially opposed the spread of Christianity were, on the one side, an intense devotedness to speculation…, which threatened to stifle altogether the religious nature of men,…and, on the other side, …the carnal mind, which would degrade the divine into an object of sensuous experience…

New Corinth was distinguished from the old city chiefly by becoming, in addition to its commercial celebrity, a seat of literature and philosophy so that a certain tincture of high mental culture pervaded the city…The spread and efficiency of Christianity was opposed by that gross corruption of morals, which then prevailed in all the great cities of the Roman Empire, but especially in Corinth was promoted by the worship of Aphrodite, to which a far-famed temple was here erected, and thus consecrated the indulgence of sensuality, favoured as it was by the incitements constantly presented in a place of immense wealth and commerce.”

The passage is interesting in showing the early development (1830s) in New Testament scholarship of the notion that geography was both the reason for St. Paul’s to Corinth and the causes of the problems of the community.  Strangely, Neander associates the carnal mind with the Jewish population in the city while simultaneously connecting it with a Greek cult of Aphrodite. Note that there is nothing here about the diolkos—that is a later development in thinking about geographic consequence.

Lyman Coleman, on the most hopeless city of Corinth (1855)

One of the projects I’m working on this year is a study of how ancient and modern writers have interpreted the historical fortunes of Corinth through the lens of its eastern landscape, the Isthmus. How did a land bridge become so consequential for writing the history of the city?

It’s a topic I’ve commented on before (e.g., see the various posts in the Corinth in the mind category), and I even wondered in a post on Oscar Bronner’s wicked city when some of the popular myths about Corinth originated in the modern era.

I’ve had a little time recently to dig into some travel literature, historical geography, and New Testament commentaries of the 17th-19th centuries, and I’ve found some gems.

For this week’s picture of Corinth, I’ll post this mid-19th century description of the city in Lyman Coleman’s An Historical Text Book and Atlas of Biblical Geography, Philadelphia 1855: Lippincott, Grambo & Co.

Published about the middle of the 19th century, and related to another work on Historical Geography of the Bible, Lyman describes the apostle Paul’s decision to move from Athens to Corinth in this way (pp. 231-232):

“It is a singular and instructive fact, that the ministry of the apostle appears to have been attended with little profit at this seat of Grecian refinement and learning; nor does he appear ever again to have visited Athens. The rich, voluptuous, and mercantile population of Corinth offered him far more encouragement than the orators, sages, and philosophers of her proud rival…

…This metropolis, rivaling Athens in wealth and commerce, in luxury and licentiousness, and scarcely inferior in the fine arts, was situated on the isthmus of the Peloponnesus, fifty miles west of Athens, guarded and defended by a lofty acropolis, which rises two thousand feet above the platform of the city. The region is now unhealthy, and only a few miserable hovels still occupy the site of this far-famed city of Corinth…

But even in that corrupt city, the most hopeless, it would seem, that could have been selected, the Lord had ‘much people,’ and many of the Corinthians, both Jews and Greeks, believed and were baptized.”

In the weeks to come, I’ll be posting some of these old historical interpretations that have continued to shape modern interpretations of Corinth.